Watergate's "what ifs" are still tantalizing, 40 years later after the break-in that eventually brought down a president.
What if a security guard hadn't noticed tape on a door latch outside Democratic headquarters at the Watergate office building not far from the White House?
What if then-President Richard Nixon hadn't taped his private words for posterity?
What if he simply had come clean about the break-in and cover-up and apologized?
Forty years of investigation, reporting, trials, debate and historical research have yielded no simple answer to how a clumsy break-in that Nixon's spokesman termed a "third-rate burglary" became a titanic constitutional struggle and led to his resignation.
"The shame of it all is that it didn't have to be," Stanley Kutler, the dean of Watergate historians, told the Associated Press. "Had he been forthcoming, had he told his men, 'This is crazy, who ordered this?' [He] wouldn't have had this problem."
Of course, Watergate would never have happened had officials at Nixon's re-election campaign committee not responded to his ceaseless demands for dirt on the opposition by hiring E. Howard Hunt, a native of Hamburg, N.Y., and G. Gordon Liddy. The ex-CIA and ex-FBI operatives presented an outline, codenamed Operation Gemstone, that included bugging and rifling the files at Democratic National Committee headquarters.
"I was one of those who tried to throw cold water on Gordon Liddy's plans to break in, and thought I had done so," recalled former White House counsel John Dean. "But I hadn't killed the plans. It came back to haunt us."
Liddy and four others were caught early on the morning of June 17, 1972 -- actually, the second of two break-ins at the DNC -- when security guard Frank Wills, seeing the taped latch, summoned police.
"The insanity of it and the stupidity of it have never ceased to amaze me," Dean, now 73, said in an AP interview.
Hunt died in 2007. Liddy, now a conservative radio host, declined an interview request.
While there's no evidence Nixon knew of the burglary plot beforehand, within days he was deep in a conspiracy to hide the burglars' ties to his campaign and the White House. Meeting with top aides, he agreed to paying hundreds of thousands of dollars in hush money and urged that the CIA intervene to block an FBI investigation.
Following the money trail eventually led investigators to the truth and began a more than two-year legal war involving grand juries, Congress and the Supreme Court. It ended when Nixon, facing certain impeachment, resigned from office Aug. 8, 1974.
Former Watergate prosecutor Richard Ben-Veniste said that if Nixon hadn't been forced by the Supreme Court to hand over his tapes, with their "smoking gun" of self-incrimination, things might have turned out differently. "The system worked," Ben-Veniste said. "But the system would not have worked had not the president taped himself."
Why did he do it? In his memoirs, Nixon said he wished his administration to be "the best chronicled in history." But without doubt he also wanted evidence in case someone attacked his decisions or motives.
What the system did is capture him ordering his chief of staff, H.R. Haldeman, to get CIA Director Richard Helms to claim national security grounds in blocking the probe. "Play it tough," Nixon instructed.
The president spent months battling disclosure of conversations like that. But Kutler wonders -- what if instead, early on, he had adopted a different strategy and made a clean breast of things, might America have forgiven him?
"One of the mysteries of Watergate is why didn't Richard Nixon come on television, look the camera in the eye -- he was a master of that -- and say to us, the American people, 'Yes, I had knowledge of this?' " said Kutler, who, after Nixon's death, won a lawsuit for the release of thousands of hours of tapes.
Dean, not knowing he was being recorded, confronted Nixon over the cover-up, warning of a "cancer" devouring the presidency. He cited escalating money demands from the burglars, perhaps $1 million.
"I thought that would stun him. It didn't at all," Dean recalled. "He said, I know where we can get that."
Dean threw up his hands and went to prosecutors.
In the end, 43 people, many of them senior officials, were either indicted, tried or went to prison because of Watergate. The roster included Nixon's onetime attorney general, his chief of staff and his domestic policy chief.